T he process of bringing peace to Cambodia has opened up a whole new battlefield
- among academics. Steven Heder takes Ben Kiernan to
task.
THIS monograph collects ten essays produced for a conference
at Yale University in Feb 1992, four months after the Paris Agreements. In a
preface written in June 1993, George Andreopoulos of Yale's Center for
International Human Rights explains that they aim at a "thorough re-examination
of the origins, nature and extent" of the predicament faced by Cambodia as it
embarked on "a difficult and problematic transition to democracy" through the
Paris Agreements. He characterizes the diplomatic process which led to the
Agreements and their implementation by UNTAC as a test of "the international
community's willingness to promote democracy and human rights".
As the
monograph suggests, at the center of Cambodia's dilemma was the role of the
Partie of Democratic Kampuchea (PDK) - the Khmer Rouge. The Paris
Agreements indeed involved a risky trial of the thesis that a shock dose of
Western-style democracy would lessen the prospects for a resurgence of the power
and influence of the PDK and other human rights violators. They tested which
Cambodian political forces would gain and which would lose in the attempt to
transpose the competition for power on the domestic stage from political
mobilization for armed confrontation to political mobilization to vote in
elections.
Editor Ben Kiernan's introduction and his long essay, "The
inclusion of the Khmer Rouge in the Cambodian Peace Process: Causes and
Consequences", form the core of the collection. Revised by publication time to
take account of events through July 1993, they describe the whole transition
process and are the subject of this review.
Readers might expect that
Kiernan's contributions would directly confront the question of whether a
democratic political process involving competitive elections might help
establish a government in Cambodia that was, first, unlikely to commit gross
violations of human rights, and second, was likely to be relatively well able to
prevent the PDK from committing such abuses. Unfortunately, it offers no serious
discussion of the concept of democratic transition from authoritarianism. Nor
does he display any grasp of the concept of human rights or provide any general
framework for understanding how they may be successfully promoted in Cambodia's
circumstances. These fundamental shortcomings make it difficult for him to
answer the essential question of whether an exercise in democracy enhanced or
undermined the chances for resolving the problems of genocide and other human
rights violations in Cambodia.
Instead, Kiernan is more concerned to
update his long-standing argument that the consequences of Chinese and American
policy on Cambodia have for many years been to enhance the prospects of the
Khmer Rouge, who would otherwise have been a political non-entity. He thus
points to the historical support provided to the PDK by China and the US as
their proxy for efforts to drive Vietnam out of Cambodia and unseat the regime
it built up, the People's Republic of Kampuchea (PRK), rechristened the State of
Cambodia (SoC) in 1989. He suggests that the Cambodian predicament arose largely
from the failure of the international community to punish the PDK leadership for
its violations of human rights. He draws particular attention to the cynical
diplomatic realpolitik, a result of which any reference to Khmer Rouge
responsibility for gross violations of human rights, much less genocide, was
expunged from the Paris Agreements. There is substantial truth in much of this,
particularly as regards the Chinese and US roles in reviving the PDK after 1979
and the near-total ineffectiveness of international mechanisms for bringing
gross human rights violators to justice, at least until very
recently.
But Kiernan goes much further. He suggests that because, at the
behest of China and the US, the PDK was given the chance to participate in the
process the Paris Agreements laid down, the international community was bound to
fail to promote democracy and human rights in Cambodia. He attacks the Paris
Agreements by asserting that a very different but still very viable political
solution could have been arranged. He argues that this could have come about
through a Southeast Asian diplomacy which would have excluded the PDK from the
political process and prevented it from attempting to upset that arrangement
through armed violence or other means. He implies this arrangement could have
incorporated Sihanouk's Funcinpec and Son Sann's Khmer People's National
Liberation Front "KPNLF" into the political administration in Phnom Penh, and
that the resulting political construction could have enjoyed domestic and
international legitimacy. He blames great power maneuvering for having prevented
such an outcome.
Great Powers Versus Southeast Asians?
Kiernan postulates that
before the Paris Agreements, "the Cambodia conflict was played out on three
levels: the national, regional and great power levels." He contends that SoC's
foreign opponents had "hegemony" at the great power level, which he appears to
equate more or less with the five Permanent Members of the United Nations
Security Council (the US, China, Great Britain, France and the Soviet
Union/Russia). He claims that "the forces were fairly evenly divided" at the
"intervening regional level", which he does not define but in which he appears
to include Southeast Asian countries and sometimes also Japan, and occasionally
Australia. His main thesis is that the great powers, particularly the US and
China, managed to overpower the balance of forces within the region to impose a
solution that gave the PDK the opportunity make massive gains at the expense of
the SoC.
Put in such terms, the idea of a lost historical alternative
appears attractive. In fact, however, it is questionable whether any political
solution could have been reached that was not agreeable to the great powers.
Similarly questionable is Kiernan's suggestion that the Permanent Five's peace
plan was the only path fraught with dangers and difficulties, or the one most
fraught with dangers and difficulties. A deal contrary to US and Chinese wishes
might also have offered the PDK chances to extend its power, and other Permanent
Five actors, could have crafted a deal, maneuvered the relevant Cambodian
players to accept it, and then successfully ensured such a stable and effective
outcome that the PDK would have been politically and militarily checkmated.
Kiernan argues that exclusion of the PDK from the peace process could have
prevented a continuation or the resumption of the civil war that had plagued
Cambodia for years, while its inclusion via the terms of the Paris Agreements
could at best only delay a return to fighting. While the latter appears to have
been true, the former seems implausible.
As Kiernan suggests, the
regional role of the Thai military in supporting the PDK against the PRK was
historically crucial, but his prescriptions about what could have been done
about this are as unrealistic as his hypotheses about the might-have-beens of
regional diplomacy. Thus, Kiernan is right in postulating that a great
diminution of the PDK's leverage could have been achieved by cutting its lines
of supply from Thailand. However, in the late 1980s and early 90s, this could
not have been achieved inside Thailand itself without a fundamental
restructuring of Thai policy that would have eliminated the ability of the Thai
armed forces to determine major aspects of Thailand's foreign policy, or act
autonomously within a broader foreign policy framework set by a civilian
government. In fact, it was easier to end Chinese supplies than to cut the
supply line through Thailand, and the former was achieved by the Paris
Agreements, a fact which he only reluctantly admits. Even though elements within
the Thai military continued to allow material resupply of the PDK after the
Paris Agreements, the change in the Chinese position achieved through the
Agreements helped create conditions which made the long-term diminution of such
support more likely and possible.
Great Powers Versus Cambodians?
Moreover, even if the
alternative Kiernan proposes had been diplomatically possible, it is highly
doubtful whether it would have been workable politically in Cambodia, and even
more doubtful that it would have been preferable to the Paris Agreements from
the point of view of ordinary Cambodians. Contrary to what Kiernan hints, there
was never any real indication that SoC was seriously prepared to share power
with Funcinpec and the KPNLF or to offer Sihanouk anything more than a
figurehead role. Even more importantly, a regionally-crafted alternative would
never have resulted in elections freer and fairer than those conducted by UNTAC.
Herein lies perhaps the best reason for favoring the path laid down in the Paris
Agreements: it gave ordinary Cambodians the greatest chance to express their
political desires. It is therefore ironic that Kiernan implies that in pushing
for the path contained in the Paris Agreements, the US and China ran roughshod
over Cambodian public opinion. He asserts that the US and China remained
determined to eliminate the SoC and its leadership from the political landscape.
He thus ascribes pressure for the displacement of the SoC to a US desire for the
establishment in the country of "not merely an independent Cambodian government,
but an anti-Vietnamese one". In fact, all the evidence suggests that both China
and the US were quite prepared to accommodate a continued political role for SoC
leaders, as long as they were prepared to remain basically faithful to the
provisions of the Agreements and show some respect for the popular will as
expressed in elections.
Because the views of Cambodian people themselves
are absent from his analytic schema, Kiernan's analysis does not recognize the
popular domestic pressures against SoC which conditioned the Cambodian political
process under the Paris Agreements. In discussing the domestic situation before
Oct 1991, he asserts that "within Cambodia, the balance of forces favored the
incumbent SoC." He later makes it clear, without directly saying so, that he is
referring to the military balance. He fudges the question of the balance of
political forces. While Kiernan stresses that the PDK lacked popular support, he
does not venture a straightforward assessment about the extent to which SoC,
Funcinpec or the KPNLF enjoyed popular backing.
However, Kiernan's
beliefs shine through, most notably in his treatment of their human rights
records and nationalist credentials of SoC, Funcinpec and the KPNLF. Kiernan
chronicles PDK atrocities, particularly attacks by its armed forces on Cambodian
civilians, before and after the Agreements. He also notes that the PDK's "allies
were not innocent of atrocities". Although he cites only one example
- a KPNLF attack on a refugee camp - it is certainly true that both it and
Funcinpec bore responsibility for numerous human rights abuses in the camps
which they administered before the repatriation under UNTAC auspices emptied
them. However, Kiernan is conspicuously silent about human rights violations by
the SoC before the Agreements, although a pattern of such violations were
confirmed by facts that came out after Oct 1991. To highlight a history of human
rights violations by the opposition while saying nothing about the record of the
SoC, Kiernan misleadingly suggests that the SoC was not politically plagued by
its authoritarian record in power.
Kiernan also underplays the legitimacy
problems faced by the SoC due to its historical domination by Vietnam. While
stressing great power backing for the opposition, he pointedly describes the SoC
leaders as nationalists and underlines the fact that even before the Agreements,
the Vietnamese political cadre and troops who had crafted and protected the
regime in which the SoC leaders came to power had withdrawn from Cambodia.
Although he is right to point out that the SoC leaders were hardly enthusiastic
stooges of the Vietnamese and makes it possible to understand why they were
happy to be out from under Vietnamese tutelage, Kiernan misses out the
experience of ordinary Cambodians with the PRK. This was such as to leave strong
doubts in the popular mind about the nationalist pedigrees of the SoC leaders.
The credibility of SoC's efforts to re-legitimize itself by switching from the
Marxist-Leninist mode of the era of Vietnamese domination to the nationalist
mode once the Vietnamese were gone was low.
Conversely, Kiernan's stress
on the extent of foreign backing for the Funcinpec and the KPNLF leaves the
impression that they were merely creatures of foreign creation with no domestic
support. It ignores their roots in the various strains of non-communist
nationalism dating to the Cambodian struggle for independence from France,
against American interference in Cambodian domestic affairs and against
Vietnamese encroachment on Cambodian territorial integrity.
Thus, while
Kiernan's last-minute revisions mention the Funcinpec electoral victory, he
cannot explain it. In an apparent attempt to do so, he credits SoC-inspired
allegations that Funcinpec was politically controlled by the PDK and suggestions
that the Funcinpec electoral victory resulted from PDK votes for it. Both
assertions were made, and subsequent events have demonstrated that the
argument-saving device of depicting Funcinpec as a Khmer Rouge Trojan horse had
no basis in reality. The facts are that Funcinpec won because it enjoyed greater
popularity than the CPP, and that despite its one-time alliance with the PDK it
had always jealously and successfully maintained its organizational and
political independence from the Khmer Rouge.
PDK intentions, Capabilities and Achievements
Kiernan argues
that the PDK never intended to go along with the Agreements, and that while
violating them it also gained the most from them. Extensive evidence, some of
which I have presented previously, suggests that Kiernan's view of PDK
intentions is simplistic. It ignores the numerous indications that while the PDK
intended to cheat on the demobilization process, it was also prepared to go
along with it to a significant extent, and that it initially conducted a major
troop-cut on its own even while damning UNTAC's implementation of the
Agreements. It ignores the evidence that while the PDK remained fundamentally
hostile to "bourgeois democracy", Pol Pot and other PDK leaders had not only
long advocated playing the parliamentary game, but insisted that it was
essential to do so. Kiernan fails to take into account the ambition of Pol Pot
to build up the PDK from a military force into a politically-strong movement.
This ambition Pol Pot took into the Paris Agreements and was prepared to risk at
least partial and temporary military demobilization if the political conditions
were perceived as sufficiently favorable to the PDK. The course of events after
Oct 1991 convinced him and most other PDK leaders that political conditions were
unfavorable, and thus refrained from demobilization and progressively resumed
military action against SoC. They were not proceeding according to plan, but
changing course in reaction to what they saw as setbacks. They did not, as
Kirenan puts it, withdraw "from the peace process with the gains they had made
from it", but rather turned against it in what proved to be a failed attempt to
recoup PDK losses.
Kiernan nevertheless stubbornly insists that the
Agreements favored the PDK, and that as a result of their implementation, the
PDK managed to make large-scale absolute and relative gains. He believes the
Agreements were both designed to advance the PDK and achieved this result, even
if not always in the ways expected by its backers. Kiernan thus asserts that the
PDK was bound to gain "from the turmoil engendered by the Peace Plan's attempt
simultaneously to freeze hostilities and open up political competition", and
concludes that although the Agreements were "marketed to the concerned
international public as a means to dispatch them, the Khmer Rouge gained the
most". He also maintains that by being soft on the PDK, UNTAC allowed it to make
such advances.
On the empirical level, Kiernan offers a variety of
evidence to support his conclusion that the PDK gained massively during the
implementation of the Agreements. None of this evidence bears close scrutiny.
For example, the maps that Kiernan offers as proof of spectacular PDK advances
between Oct 1991 and March 1993 are wildly inaccurate. Comparing his map showing
supposed PDK areas of control in Oct 1991 with the results of the careful
research of Christophe Peschoux in his Les "Nouveaux" Khmers Rouges
(Paris: L'Harmattan, 1992) reveals that it vastly underestimates the spread
of the PDK. His map showing PDK areas of control in March 1993 and attributed to
UNTAC sources bears no resemblance to those actually produced at this time by
UNTAC's military intelligence specialists, which show the PDK controlling
territory and exerting influence in pretty much the same areas as those depicted
by Peschoux. Kiernan's quotations about the number of people under PDK
administration and of troops under its control reflect the vagaries of
estimation and selective use of sources rather than real changes in the
statistics. The truth is that the PDK probably administered fewer people and
certainly had fewer troops under its control at the end of the transitional
period defined by the Agreements process than at the beginning.
The logic
of the Agreements and their implementation was to put the PDK in the position
either of accepting an imperfect but reasonable chance of rejoining the
Cambodian political mainsteam through peaceful political process, or to suffer
the international and domestic isolation that would result if it rejected this
opportunity. The PDK chose to boycott the process and thus isolate itself while
other political parties, especially Funcinpec, built up a mass party membership
in areas to which the PDK had no real access. The PDK was marginalized in the
competition for rural political support which pitted CPP against Funcinpec. The
real outcome of the Agreements was that the PDK gained least from them,
precisely because it proved unwilling to move into the political arena and then
unable to wreck the electoral process despite its retention of military
options.
Initially, the big winner appeared to be Funcinpec, which was
set to gain enormously through its electoral victory and entry into the
mainstream of the state through a power-sharing arrangement, even if it got less
than the vote suggested it deserved. The KPNLF, although split badly and
performing poorly in the elections, also gained because it, too, entered the
mainstream. However, already in the months before the voting, it was fairly
obvious that processes were at work which meant that SoC was gaining political
advantages from PDK intransigence and UNTAC's non-confrontational approach. For
example, because PDK refused to demobilize, SoC maintained much of its own
military structure. Greater demobilization would have favored those competitors
who were politically strong but militarily weak, such as Funcinpec, and
certainly not SoC. More generally, UNTAC's non-confrontational posture vis-à-vis
PDK encouraged SoC not to comply as strictly as it might otherwise have done
with the provisions of the Agreements. This meant that SoC engaged in greater
use of political violence against Funcinpec and misuse of SoC state assets to
advance CPP electoral prospects in violation of the Agreements than it might
otherwise have been able to get away with. This creation of a lowest common
denominator of compliance operated to the disadvantage of Funcinpec. Funcinpec
had to operate politically in SoC administered zones despite violent SoC
repression even while rejecting blandishments and inducements from the PDK to
join it in boycotting and wrecking the whole process. Moreoever, the continued
threat of PDK violence against ordinary Cambodians enhanced SoC's ability to win
votes by emphasizing to the electorate the CPP's militant opposition to the PDK
and SoC's history of protecting people from such violence.
Although the
CPP electoral defeat meant that SoC lost its power monopoly, from the beginning
it retained a formal half-share of power and gained the international legitimacy
denied it for so many years. In coalition with Funcinpec, it shared in the
international aid and trade which was increasingly flowing into Cambodia.
Moreover, in the two years since the elections, the CPP has out-maneuvered
Funcinpec in one battle for bureaucratic power and influence after another.
Indeed, it now seems incontestable that the CPP got a very good result out of
the process: instead of being faced with international isolation and an
opposition coalition allying Funcinpec and the KPNLF to the PDK, it enjoys
international respectability and Funcinpec and the KPNLF's remnants are now
fully allied with it against the PDK. It has had to share power, but in an
arrangement that has isolated and weakened the PDK, has given the Cambodian
government international and domestic legitimacy and has allowed it to remain
powerfully entrenched. Despite all the problems it faces and the criticisms of
it which have been voiced, the CPP remains the most powerful part of the most
broadly-based government Cambodia has known since independence, and one enjoying
the widest spectrum of international support.
The PDK, on the other hand,
has definitively lost its Cambodian allies and most of its international
support. A month after Kiernan finished his revisions, his analysis was
confounded when the PDK found itself under attack by joint SoC/Funcinpec/KPNLF
forces, which penetrated deep into territory the PDK had held since before the
Agreements. Although elements within the Thai military were at that time
prepared to come to its rescue, this prop no longer had any Chinese - much less
US - support. Thai support has since become an increasingly thin reed, as well
as one more than ever deserving to be eliminated. Meanwhile, while the tide of
battle has sometimes been turned by the PDK in its favor, the trend of the war
now seems clearly against it.
It follows from this that it is impossible
to argue that the Agreements increased the danger of a new, full-scale PDK
genocide in Cambodia. Instead, this danger had receded, although generally,
Kiernan's studied avoidance of SoC's human rights record means he is unable to
deal with the implications of the real results of the implementation of the
Agreements for human rights in most of Cambodia. Along with deeper historical,
social and cultural factors that condition the political scene in the country,
the institutional continuity of SoC's old organs of political repression are an
important part of the explanation for continuing serious human rights violations
in today's Kingdom. Yet even here, a nuanced evaluation is necessary. Despite
the impunity with which ex-SoC organs and personnel all too frequently act
(sometimes in tandem or parallel with Funcinpec elements), political repression
is less comprehensively harsh in the Kingdom than it was under the PRK and under
SoC before and during the implementation of the Agreements. But it remains very
much to be seen for how much longer this will be true. Important struggles for
human rights are now being conducted by Cambodian and international human rights
organizations to prevent backsliding, by the fledgling elements of Cambodian
civil society to institutionalize themselves as counterweights to the forces of
organized repression, and by individual moderates within the ranks of the
government, bureaucracy and security forces to stay the hands of the worst
perpetrators.
This brings us back to Kiernan's lack of any overall
framework for dealing with big issues like democracy, genocide and human rights.
The basic question remains whether more democracy and human rights in the
Kingdom will enhance or reduce the likelihood that the Khmer Rouge will be able
to continue their genocidal acts. Most theorists and practitioners would argue
that, in the long run at least, they will decrease the chances, even if the
causal relationship is neither simple nor direct. In his rush to condemn not
only the PDK, but the Paris Agreements, Funcinpec, the KPNLF, the Chinese, the
US, the UN and numerous others - but not SoC - Kiernan begs this main
issue.
In this connection, one final comment on Kiernan is unfortunately
necessary. While as an editor he is civil with the contributors to his
monograph, Kiernan also pursues in it the crusade he has conducted elsewhere
against those who disagree with him. His ill-manners in this regard are
reminiscent of the Pol Potism which at other levels he attacks and despises. He
suggests that those with contrasting views are subjectively or objectively in
league with Pol Pot or the forces responsible for Pol Pot's genocide in
Cambodia. The deus ex machina here is often the alleged super-influence of that
certain superpower, the US. Kiernan would have readers believe that, to
paraphrase the notorious Khmer Rouge adage, this infuence has created a raft of
people with the bodies of journalists, human rights activists and scholars, but
US government minds, all of whom disagree with him for that reason. This
nonsense must be recognized and criticized for what it is: a smear tactic
pursued in lieu of genuine debate and argument about facts and analysis. More
recently, it has appeared again - thinly disguised as a stab at sociology of
knowledge - in a scurrilous review in the Journal of Asian Studies of
David P Chandler's Brother Number One: A Political Biography of Pol Pot.
There, attempts to suggest that Chandler, myself and others who have disagreed
with him have done so because we are biased against Vietnamese, an accusation
for which he has no evidence and which is both defamatory and absurd. He
suggests that this supposed bias is connected to what he alleges is the fact
that those whose work he dislikes are "serving or former employees" of the US
government, "other western governments" or, just as hideously, "the UN". For
Kiernan to imagine that the differences he has with so many others on matters of
historical and political analysis are reducible to his fabrication - that they
are prejudiced against Vietnamese - only underlines the poverty of his
understanding of Cambodia and the meanness of his personality as a scholar. His
insinuations about the insidious influence of any connection to the US
government, however distant or tenuous, are all the more ironic given his
assimilation into this intellectually damned group since he became the Director
of the Cambodian genocide program, which is funded by the office of Cambodian
Genocide Investigations of US State Department. Can we suppose that if, for
example, he now starts to change some of his mistaken views about what happened
in Cambodia via the Paris Agreements, this is a result of such
contamination?
- Steven Heder, School of Oriental and African Studies, London.
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