Historian Henri Locard responds to Devil's Advocate Philip Short, who has
argued that there should be no trial of the surviving Khmer Rouge leadership
PHILIP SHORT is, I must admit, absolutely right to point out that what happened under
Democratic Kampuchea was not "genocide", in the 1948 Convention's meaning
of the word, and that those responsible for the regime should be tried for "crimes
against humanity". Every single article of the July 17, 1948 Rome convention
that lists the nature of those various crimes against humanity applies to the policies
initiated by Angkar.
Philip Short is also right to point out that the United States committed numerous
war crimes by indiscriminately bombing vast sections of Cambodian territory, thus
creating a climate of violence in which everything became possible. But can he explain
to us why, after Congress banned those bombings in August 1973, almost two years
before the enslavement of Cambodia, why then Cambodian refugees did not return to
the collective paradise of Khmer Rouge controlled territory but persisted in flocking
to the cities in their hundreds of thousands?
Philip Short is also right to point out that historians' main concern today about
that now defunct fateful revolutionary movement and regime is "to understand
what happened to Cambodians".
I am not so sure, however, that the Cambodians themselves would be satisfied only
with intellectual explanations. They want perpetrators of heinous crimes on a massive
scale no longer to benefit from a culture of total impunity. This is why a proper
forum, which meets international standards, is vital and I must voice my utter disagreement
with the suggestion expressed in Philip Short's headline that "there should
be no trial". Indeed, he is "the true Devil's advocate"!
All the more so since his arguments are based on either his ignorance of the real
nature of the Democratic Kampuchea regime or his refusal to look squarely at the
reality of the society established by the Khmer Rouge.
I am sure Philip Short must have talked more with the perpetrators than with the
victims of those crimes, since he is developing the theory dear to the surviving
leadership - ie, "lower-level cadres (above all, village chiefs) ordered or
caused the deaths of upwards of a million people". Everything about this gratuitous
assertion is contrary to the established historical reality.
First of all, there were no longer any traditional "village chiefs". Most
of those had been assassinated by the Communist guerrillas during the civil war.
There were no longer any village communities either, but totally collectivised "sahakor"
ruled by Party cadres encompassing more than one traditional village.
Not "upwards of a million" died from April 17, 1975 to January 7, 1979,
but almost two million, and 41.9 percent of the relocated population of Phnom Penh
- in all, almost 25 percent of the population, a horrendous total for a regime that
survived less than four years. The only published scientific count so far is that
of the demographer Marek Sliwinsky in his Le Génocide khmer rouge:une analyse
démographique. Those figures have never been proven wrong by any other extensive
study since.
Does Philip Short suggest that "lower-level cadres (above all village chiefs)"
ordered the immediate evacuation of all the inhabitants of the capital together with
those of every single town in the country (this amounting to some 40 percent of the
total population), thus depriving them of all the property they could not carry on
their backs, making them roofless and unprotected wanderers for the duration of the
regime, forced to be endlessly relocated wherever it pleased Angkar to pack them
off ?
Does Philip Short suggest that "lower-level cadres (above all village chiefs)"
ordered the immediate abolition of all laws, leaving every citizen totally unprotected
before the sheer violence and absolute terror exercised by Angkar?
Does Philip Short suggest that "lower-level cadres (above all village chiefs)"
wrote and voted for the single law of DK - the January 1976 constitution - which
says, for instance, in its Article 10:
Actions violating the laws of the people's state are as follows:
hostile and destructive activities which threaten the people's state shall be subject
to the severest form of punishment.
Every Cambodian who lived under DK knows what "the severest form of punishment"
meant to the KR leadership. All everyday actions being politicized under DK, like
eating a banana without Angkar's permission, were considered as "threatening
the people's state", since absolutely everything was the property of the state.
Does Philip Short suggest that "lower-level cadres (above all village chiefs)"
ordered the immediate assassination of all senior civil servants of the Republican
regime and all officers of the Republican army, often with their entire families,
straight after the violent seizure of power?
Does Philip Short suggest that "lower-level cadres (above all village chiefs)"
decided that overnight all hospitals should be closed, the patients sent into the
streets and the whole population (except the nomenklatura, of course) should be totally
deprived of the benefits of modern medicine?
Does Philip Short suggest that "lower-level cadres (above all village chiefs)"
decided to abolish money and all markets, together with the introduction in the entire
country of collective eating after the first harvest, thus enabling Angkar to "grasp
hold" (as they said) of every citizen, making them totally dependent on the
good will of Angkar that stole most of the food the people were massively producing,
thus engineering an unprecedented famine?
Does Philip Short suggest that "lower-level cadres (above all village chiefs)"
decided to abolish all forms of education and coerced every child to become an unpaid
labourer with no access to play or education except to the propaganda of the regime
in the form of slogans and revolutionary songs?
Does Philip Short suggest that "lower-level cadres (above all village chiefs)"
decided to turn every citizen into an unpaid slave working longer hours than the
miserable labourers of the British Industrial Revolution in the early days of the
19th Century?
Does Philip Short suggest that "lower-level cadres (above all village chiefs)"
decided to introduce a caste system that divided sharply the population into New
and Old People, the former, according to all evidence, being destined to slow extermination
once their free labour force had been fully spent?
Does Philip Short suggest that "lower-level cadres (above all village chiefs)"
decided to shoot all escapees who were caught in the forests, desperately trying
to leave that hellish inferno?
Does Philip Short know that "lower-level cadres" had two main tasks: one,
make sure everyone toiled like an ox; two, hunt down all potential "enemies"
of the regime. If they did not produce for Angkar a sufficient number of them, they
in their turn, would become suspect. Everyone will tell Philip Short that local cadres
who were perceived by the leadership as too lenient were purged and replaced by more
ignorant and cruel kamaphibals. In most sahakor more humane cadres were replaced
by the hated Niredeys from the Southeast. They would meet the required quotas of
"enemies", khmang.
Philip Short claims - and this is probably his most preposterous assertion - that
"half the governments in the world have, or had formerly, establishments similar
to S-21".
He adds "what makes S-21 different is that a large part of the archives were
preserved and are now available to scholars". Here Philip Short is lumping together
institutions and non-democratic regimes which have nothing in common. This only serves
to minimize and trivialise the grossest affront to human rights as practised in the
dens of torture, terror and dehumanisation that were the Khmer Rouge prisons. Their
equivalents are only to be found in other Communist regimes, with which Philip Short
must be much more familiar than myself since he is an expert on Maoist China.
Yes, I did write "prisons" in the plural. Is Philip Short naive enough
to believe there was just ONE prison - S-21 - in DK? Has he ever heard of a Communist
country with just a SINGLE political prison? I am sorry to inform him that S-21 was
neither the largest prison nor the one where the highest number of inmates were "processed".
It was, after initially dealing with some prominent personalities of the previous
regimes, meant for "heavy" prisoners from the Khmer Rouge bureaucracy.
Does he not know we have also a fair proportion of the archives of Krang Ta Chan,
in the commune of Kus, the district prison of Tramkak, Ta Mok's original district
- an ordinary provincial prison, one among hundreds? Does he not know that Tuol Sleng
is just the tip of the pyramid and that throughout so-called Democratic Kampuchea
there were secret institutions where prisoners were taken, their hands tied behind
their backs, to be put in chains (the infamous collective "khnohs") interrogated,
tortured, starved, most of them till they died amid the most horrendous suffering?
Has he not cared to read Van Nath's testimony (A Cambodian Prison Portrait: One Year
in the Khmer Rouge's S-21)? Has he not seen that, before being brought to the capital
and S-21, he was first processed through the "district prison" at "Kandal
pagoda" in Battambang where he was "locked in wooden stocks" and asked
"What did you do wrong?", exactly as François Bizot had been asked
by his interrogator in the Cardamons six years earlier? Has Philip Short not noticed
that Van Nath's arrest was "the order of the district chief"?
Has he not read Moeung Sonn's testimony Prisonnier de l'Angkar in which is recorded
the story of these infernal dens in the Kampong Som region from the beginning to
the end of the regime.? The prisons were set up everywhere and existed throughout
the entire period the Kampuchean Communist Party controlled any section of Cambodian
territory. Would Philip Short suggest the entire network of institutions that operated
along strictly identical lines were set up by "lower-level cadres (above all
village chiefs)"?
Does Philip short believe the large number of mass graves scattered throughout the
country and discovered after 1979 were relics of the criminal activities of "lower-level
cadres (above all village chiefs)"? No, just as Choeung Ek was connected to
S-21, almost all mass graves were annexes of one of those prisons -extermination
centres, of which there was at least a major one in almost all of the approximately
150 districts of the country. Hundreds of thousands of Cambodians - a majority men
- were clubbed to death after they had forcefully confessed they had been "plotting"
against the loathed Angkar.
All those dire decisions have no equivalent in the modern world, and even the most
rabid revolutionaries like Lenin, Stalin, Mao and Kim Il-sung did not dare to make
them, only tentatively showing the way to the Cambodian Marxist-Leninist revolutionaries.
They had come last in the string of Communist revolutions, but they were planning
to leap ahead of earlier models and become the envy of the entire world. Absolutely
indifferent to human suffering, they then took their country light years from our
planet earth.
Thank God, Mr Philip Short, this DID NOT happen "in half the goverments in the
world"!
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