The following is an unofficial translation of the text of a speech given by Second

Prime Minister Hun Sen on June 29, to around 900 women workers and other dignataries

of the Ministry of Public Works and Transport, the day after the CPP's 45th anniversary.

Ladies and Gentlemen, Your Excellencies,

Today is a day full of honor for me that I am able to meet and talk with you for

the first time and it is an experience too for our Party which has chosen the Ministry

of Public Works, specifically the women, so that we can converse and exchange views

before the party enters a new stage with the holding of the extraordinary country-wide

representative congress in 1997, and also after recent developments that require

us to prepare a new attitude.

On this occasion, I wish to apologize to all the workers, male and female, of the

Ministry of Public Works and Transport, in particular the Women's' Association here.

My attention has been grabbed by the report of His Excellency Tram Iv Tek a moment

ago, which raised the issue of the state of insecurity faced by our civil servants,

even the scorn directed towards our employees, civil servants and workers who have

scarified much for the construction of this country from January 7th [1979] up to

the present and yet have been met with contempt.

It is very good, therefore, that today, on this 45th anniversary of the founding

of the CPP, we meet together beginning at the Ministry of Public Works and Transport.

I think that before expressing my opinion I want to hear more about certain points

from His Excellency Tram Iv Tek, His Excellency Chin Kim Sreng or other Excellencies,

and the ladies representing the Ministry of Public Works and Transport, as well as

women's representatives (of our party).

On the recent issues, we'll just mention them briefly so as to inform and raise questions

for discussion, so that today Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen representing

the Standing Committee of the Party Central Committee, can all take part in striving

to identify all measures that we're able to take. And this ability of ours is enormous.

From now on, we can no longer use our sincerity as we have hitherto and by which

we have made many sacrifices for the sake of national reconciliation, when dealing

with this tricky bunch. We have been patient for very many years already, we agreed

to do everything so that the nation can enjoy peace and reconciliation. We have done

so much, to an extent the world has never seen before; no country has ever done what

the CPP did, holding virtually all power, in control of virtually the entire territory,

and exchanging that for peace, for national reconciliation, and going so far in being

prepared to create favorable conditions that I myself have violated the law.

Our partners have no right to integrate people [into government service] other than

the number [of FUNCINPEC civil servants] which was recognized by UNTAC. I have done

too much already yet they haven't understood us. Finally, since March, we have clearly

perceived their real nature.

You know that our Party has just finished its plenum, on the 25th and 26th, and is

approaching the 45th anniversary. There, in the Party's declaration, the plenum included

a clear and concise statement that "it will strive to protect the position and

occupation of our civil servants and according to the Law on the Common Statute [of

Civil Servants] and will oppose all threats to remove them from their positions".

It is not normal for a political party like ours, which has developed strategy, tactics

and political maturity, to say something like that.

But we have seen the injustice, the increasing injustice, which has reached a point

which the lower levels can no longer tolerate and which the upper levels can no longer

tolerate. If so, that doesn't mean we cancel our marriage with them, but we have

to oblige them to be straight, in all things to be straight with us. But up to now,

we see that we cannot be honest with this tricky bunch, we can be honest only with

anyone who is straight with us. We have been too honest already, there's now officials

of us who've lost their jobs, the pressure continues, I've reacted many times already

but today I want to utilize and combine the forces of the Party, the forces of the

trade union, the forces of the women, together with the law in order to struggle

against these people.

The Law on the Common Statutes exists already and Articles 139 of the Constitution

also states clearly that with any legal regulation, if there is not yet a new legal

regulation replacing it, you can't just replace with a new text. As for the case

of the Ministry of Public Works and Transport, I'd like to explain as follows.

I'd like to let you know that in 17 years there has never been a Minister of Public

Works worse than Ing Kieth. I put it in so many words - there's been no-one worse

than Ing Kieth. We had as Minister of Public Works So Khun from the beginning when

the Ministry was established, then, Khun Chhi, after Khun Chhi Tea Banh took it over

for a time, after that came Ung Phan for a time, and then it was passed on to Ros

Chhun.

We reckon that among these, in terms of ability, slightest the worst was Ros Chhon,

that is among Khun Chhi, Tea Banh, Ung Phan, Ros Chhon and Say Bori, among these

five, we've known that His Excellency Ros Chhon was a little worse than the other

but even he was better than Ing Kieth. Better in the sense that if a road, railway

or bridge is broken, they would all go there but as for this old guy left over from

the French era, he's bad, he's too bad. I say that if there was ministers like Ing

Kieth, and FUNCINPEC appointed them, if there was minister like that in every Ministry,

Cambodia would be destroyed, finished. They don't consider us as Khmers! Everything

they do is for their party. If so, there's no reason for us to keep quiet, no reason

for us not to gather the Party's forces to struggle together with the law. But Ing

Kieth's ways are very tricky. What ways? At the end of '93 there was a proposal from

a FUNCINPEC guy, he was from France or somewhere. This kind of guy, I saw him, as

soon as I saw him he asked to be advisor to the director of the port [of Phnom Penh].

He sent a letter to His Majesty, asking to be director of the port.

His Majesty sent a letter to the Prime Ministers asking our opinion. Their officials

always write to the King, asking to be director. So the King wrote a letter to the

Prime Ministers saying that "the Prime Ministers should do whatever they think

fit". That Ing Kieth, he immediately gave his opinion that this was possible;

Samdech Krom Preah [Norodom Ranarridh] signed on one side. When it reached me, I

simply put it in a drawer and asked in return if a new director is appointed, where

will the old one go and what fault does he have? Since then, quiet, not a word, he

hasn't been appointed and Mr Mon Siphon remains port director. So, that means in

my mind that I can act as a defense, can offer protection at the level of a Sub-Decree

- at my level of competence I can offer protection.

With a number of other ministries, there's been papers with a signature on one side

but as for me, I just put them in a drawer. I refuse to sign to rapidly promote certain

Office Directors to be General Directors, it's against the law, I just put them in

the drawer. Like the case in the Ministry of Information, just because he was father-in-law

of Ly Thuch, they wanted him to jump from Office Director to General Director. It's

illegal, so I simply didn't sign. So I can be obstinate, but I have my reasons for

being obstinate in such cases.

It was the same when the inspectorate went to the Ministry of Public Works, regarding

the sale of rubber, sale of whatever, in fact there was the annotation of Samdech

Krom Preah and that of Ly Thuch on it. At that time, I pushed for it to be sent to

the court and for both Samdech Krom Preah and Ly Thuch to be summoned, it (went away?)

but if it's to defend our ministers, all these things we can bring together. In the

bridge and road section, quite where I don't know, that bunch made a memorandum for

me that brother Uk Chan was involved in it, but then I found the annotation of Samdech

Krom Preah ordering both Ly Thuch and ?? to add up their mistakes and blame them

on Uk Chan. I said it wasn't fair, wasn't just, and so succeeded in that case too.

Later, I learned there had been illegal appointments, I called Ing Kieth and warned

him twice. Once was at the CDC, at Wat Phnom, I said "Look here, Your Excellency,

a sub-decree can't be annulled by a decision of a Minister, what Your Excellency

did was wrong". He said 'No, no Samdech." I heard again [about illegal

appointments] during the inauguration of Route 6A, when Samdech Chea Sim went to

inaugurate it, I called His Excellency Ing Kieth, "Look out, sir! There's a

reaction from the staff of the Ministry of Public Works. Be careful Your Excellency

doesn't face demonstrations". "No, Samdech, no, there's nothing."

Okay, now is it true that there isn't? I want to ask His Excellency Tram Iv Tek,

how many cases are there where sub-decrees have been annulled. I have good enough

grounds. I won't let you [Ing Kieth] do that. March from here in a demonstration

and take those officials and put them back in their place, like the Americans putting

Aristide back in his place in Haiti. He can do it, it's not illegal, it's very, very

right (applause). But the problem lies in whether you will do it or not. I will write

a letter telling Ing Kieth that to allow those officials to return to their positions,

and then we'll combine that with the movement from below, the march to take those

officials and put them back in their places.

If the former State of Cambodia signed by Sub-Decree and you want to annul it, there

has to be another Sub-Decree, that's the lawful procedure. Now how many cases are

there, please answer that point and then leave here and together tell Ing Kieth to

reinstate them.

The second point I wanted to ask is officials who were subject to a decision of the

Ministry because I wish to inform you that I have difficulties, that's why I need

forces from below to protect our people. If they speak about parties, then so will

we, and if it's party against party, we're stronger. How many officials at the rank

of deputy director of departments and offices have been appointed by the proclamation

of that minister [Ing Kieth], have been changed contrary to the Law on the Common

Statute [of Civil Servants]. We have enough rights, look at this point in the Law

on the Common Statute.

(Hun Sen continued with his speech after hearing a response from a ministry official).

Because it was contrary to the Law on the Common Statute, we have adequate rights

[to reinstate our people]. Look at the Law on the Common Statutes on this point,

it is a clear guarantee. If you want to change someone, what you need, what you have

to do, it's all there. We can struggle [successfully].

How many cases are there where they acted illegally, where they didn't discuss with

us on the basis that they were head of the institution. Now, where you've replaced

people without reason, without any fault being committed, and put new people in their

place, we will demand that a complete overhaul, all those appointments of yours,

by using our forces. There isn't any men [here] yet, only women, but that's enough,

that's enough to kick Ing Kieth out of his position. This bunch are as scared as

anything, off they flee, off to France, out of here. We have to play this single

nationality thing before the next elections, play the dual nationality thing a little

strong, and you'll be off. Either you move to Cambodia, or you move to France, so

move. We have to play this one, if we don't play it, this bunch won't be broken.

This is the question I'm asking the chairman and deputy chairman of the party cell

in the ministry. Can you struggle to bring back our officials who[se rights] were

violated by the sub-decrees? Violated not in the sense of violating the workers or

the directors of department, but violating the Prime Minister. I wish to tell you,

I must use my combined right, I standing behind, in my capacity as Prime Minister,

the letters signed by the vice-ministers of the former State of Cambodia, they remain

perfectly valid.

Look at Article 139, so how many cases are there relating to Sub-Decrees and how

many cases relating to Proclamations which are not right, that we can't accept, so

that's why today we meet here because there are some of our sisters here, some sections

who don't understand where is this or that place. So we meet here, where the CPP

has total sovereignty.

I want to get those reporters out of here, get Reuters to go home, have them all

leave, none of them are to stay, keep only those who are close with the CPP. The

CPP isn't yet so poor that we have no means to broadcast, we're a super-power in

Cambodia too.

If it's only about building a school, running a radio, running a television, we're

not that much worse than them. Only we pretended we didn't hear, we didn't see, you

had Channel 9 and just cursed us until we retorted [by starting Apsara TV]. ... They

saw we weren't serious and so perhaps they wanted to "pull the mustache of the

tiger". They tried to build schools but ultimately they just changed the school

signboard, changed the name.... You teach me to go around changing the signboard

of schools, put on a coat of paint and change the signboard, paint and change the

signboard! What sort of nonsense is that! In some places, just take them down, cut

them down! Yesterday the people said they received one toilet and the name was changed,

that was in Sa'ang district. Just one toilet and they change the name of the school,

whereas for that I build three buildings. They teach a hell of a lot.

So there's no reason for us to put anyone else's name, put your own, you build one,

I'll build ten. We're a superpower too when it comes to doing that. But as for fighting,

we're not so much [a superpower] but if you want to try, come on! One Royal has been

got already, two Royals in fact, '94 one, '95 one. If another one is needed in '96,

that can be done too. Oh, you lot, what princes you are! Commoners and Royals, they

have equal rights. The King is the only one who's above, who can't be touched but

can't be touched only so long as the King abides by the Constitution too. Let's be

clear about that. If you don't abide by the Constitution, you're in for it right

now! Just like Judge Pao. No, that's not talking about His Majesty, it's talking

about future Kings to come. Because we're still going to live for a long time.

My children I teach too, tell them "Child, if you get involved in state business,

abide by the Constitution". We don't oppose the King but please let's just all

of us abide by the Constitution. If you don't respect the Constitution, that's not

on. We all of us took the oath. So, if one dared to go that far, what's there to

be afraid of! The decision to arrest Norodom Sihanouk was not a minor matter. If

they dare to threaten our lives, we can't not act against them. If it's other people,

at the rank of Hun Sen what can I do to them? Other people, they curse me at will,

they say I'm vicious. Well, vicious when necessary and gentle when necessary. We

have to be straight with those who are straight with us. I can't embrace my wife

when she's insulting me or she'd insult me every day...

(He turned to issues facing CPP women... After hearing the comments of Tram Iv Tek,

Chin Kim Sreng and Mrs Ouk Chan, Hun Sen went on):

On my own and my wife's behalf, I'm pleased to have met to exchange views with male

and female workers and leaders at all levels of the ministry, the vast majority of

whom are members and supporters of the CPP. Along with the pleasure of having met

[with you], I'd like to share the difficulties our officials and employees have faced

during these three years.

I have to also accept responsibility for a prolonged inaction on this issue but I

never expected that Ing Kieth was cruel or nasty to this extent. Hence why today,

the moment demands that the Standing Committee and the Party cell understand the

situation in the Ministries clearly, so as to set forth solutions in a timely manner.

Following the report by Tram Iv Tek and additional explanation by sister Ouk Chan,

and by the representative of the Women's Association, I'm now clear.

And I think that, as I have just mentioned above, what the central committee put

out [in its declaration] a few days ago is very appropriate. It defends the jobs

of our civil servants in conformity with the Law on the Common Statute and it opposes

the threat of removal from their positions. It was the threat to remove [our officials]

from office is not just a threat, some removals have already been made.

If so, today, at our meeting to resolve this problem, I suggest that the topic for

solution should be "the struggle for work efficiency, defending the jobs of

civil servants and staff according to the Law on the Common Statute, the law in force,

opposing violations of the law, and maintaining the original situation prior to the

recent decisions. This is the theme I have to raise today.

Now, Ing Kieth has abused not only low-level civil servants but also the law and

the Royal Government. He has abused the competency of the Prime Ministers. So, I

say how can this be settled? We settle it through two ways. First, it must be resolved

according to the law by taking the constitutional principles - article 139 - combined

with the Law on the Common Statute.

The Ministry of Public Works doesn't yet have a new structure and I won't sign on

any [proposal for restructuring] right up to 1998. I won't sign. If I refuse to sign,

that [the new structure] won't come into effect. Even though they'll try, such as

when I was away and they appointed two advisors whom I didn't agree with but while

I was absent they appointed them, Samdech Chea Sim signed, but then His Excellency

Sok An hid [the letter] away and refused to stamp it., But when I saw that the [appointments]

were just for advisors with no decision-making powers at all, I let them have them.

...

So, I entrust Your Excellencies to go back [to the Ministry] and call Ing Kieth,

organize a meeting to re-install all the old structure [in the ministry]. His Excellency

Sok An, Her Excellency Ho Non, write an urgent letter to Ing Kieth clearly stating

that as there has been no new [lawful] appointments, the structure remains the same

and all those officials that have been appointed by sub-decree must return to their

old positions as before.

If it's necessary to fight, then we'll have to fight at that point, but I'm not going

to use force. This way will succeed, it's enough. Just have the women go and kick

Ing Kieth to pieces, that's not different because it's not in the least illegal.

Ing Kieth has violated [the rights of] the workers, violated [the rights of] the

officials, violated my rights as Prime Minister. If Prince Ranariddh dares to defend

[him], I'll have to clash horns with you, regardless if you're a King's son or the

First Prime Minister. The first and second Prime Ministers have the same rights but

perhaps my effectiveness is more than yours because I have a mechanism. You can order

but our people won't listen if you give the wrong order. But if I command, these

people will act. That is the difference.

So, why don't we proceed with the legal way for a bit? We're not doing anything wrong.

Don't stage a demonstration yet. Demonstrating is also lawful but that's termed the

artillery in reserve. If you're not happy, you can get out. I want you to withdraw

from the Government. Because you promised that if you couldn't achieve anything,

you'll withdraw. So, why up to this hour have you not withdrawn? Remember, Samdech

Krom Preah declared they "wouldn't be puppet Deputy Prime Ministers any more,

won't be puppet ministers, puppet secretaries of state, puppet undersecretaries of

state, puppet governors, puppet deputy governors..." So! Now, get out. I'm just

waiting for you to get out. Why don't you get out.

So, His Excellency Hok Sin, act as sergeant-major and assist the Party President

and Vice-President. Go! All of you go! Just the men is sufficient, the women don't

need to go (laughter), wait and lead the women later, separately but on this same

issue.

The Posts have been hived off, the Ministry of Posts. That we won't take back yet

but the General Department of Construction has to be taken back... However, as for

anything relating to departments of personnel, finance, planning and things like

that - go, go, take back our bureaus and sit in them as before, before there was

any [Ministerial] decision. Department chiefs, do you dare to go and sit [in your

former places]? Department chiefs who've lost their positions, go and sit down, and

then together enter each place once again. Go and take back our keys, just as the

Americans sent Aristide back to take his position as President in Haiti. Now, newspapers

can publish that Hun Sen is requesting that the law be implemented; he's not inciting

any unrest. Go back! Go, enter, enter.

But I don't understand with regard to the case in inspection which, sister, the women's

head raised earlier and the case of finance, whether there was a letter of transfer

from one ministry to another or not. That's a bit difficult. It there isn't yet,

go back to your original place. If there's not yet a letter from there - but if there

is already a letter transferring from one Ministry to another...but if it's one ministry

and another ministry then there has to be a Sub-Decree of the Prime Ministers because

it's at the level of department. So, please all go back! Go! Go! Return to your old

places. If Ing Kieth is not happy, he can withdraw and if Ranariddh is not happy,

you can just withdraw as you promised. I'll say it now, if you don't walk out you're

chhkae sot [a real dog]" (applause). I've prepared everything already, prepared

three statements.

One statement will come out half an hour after Ranariddh's announcement. Hun Sen

will declare that he "will carry on the continuity of the Royal Government".

Half an hour after that, there'll be a statement by the neutral forces of Funcinpec,

who will join with the CPP in carrying on the continuity of the Royal Government.

Half an hour later, I will rise again to declare an assurance for the continuity

of the neutral forces, guarantee protection for the neutral forces. After that, a

number of parties [will do the same]. All the statements are already in my hand,

to be broadcast on radio and TV. You go ahead and walk out. Go on! Walk out if you

don't agree. I'm only afraid that you won't, you know. Afraid that you'll stay and

just wait to sign [contracts] and collect the commissions. If you're brave, walk

out.

Now go and do it, do it until victory. The law makes us win already, there's no way

we can lose. Ing Kieth has to collapse, Ing Kieth has vomited blood twice already,

once at the CDC and another at Road 6A. Ing Kieth said 'No, there is no such a thing

Samdech'. That was a pure lie. He thought these pagoda boys were really inferior

but I say the one who's really inferior is Ing Kieth himself. In 17 years of Ministers

of Public Works, he knows absolutely nothing. So, if they play that game, we're not

afraid.

Now I ask can you do it? Can you? Go back and do your work again. Apsara TV, broadcast

that any officials that used to be in departments under the former State of Cambodia

should return to their old position. Can you do that [he asked Apsara's TV crew]

or you dare not? If you dare not, how can I help provide protection. I help only

when it comes to the law, I can only help to that extent, because, when it comes

to the law, I have adequate grounds to help provide protection. What, are you afraid

you won't win or what? Thousands of people like this! You can win! Because the force

of a Sub-Decree can't be changed. If Ing Kieth dares to take the risk, Ing Kieth

will only be more and more wrong. The higher you jump, the harder you fall. Let him

sit and pass wind for a bit first. And when Ing Kieth orders us to do something,

don't do it, don't follow his order, listen to Tram Iv Tek, but Tram Iv Tek must

manage things meticulously. All the department chiefs who are still on the job are

already on our side. Now, just have the department chiefs who they made to leave

return and sit down in your places once again, that's enough [for the moment]. Reorganize

that and then tell His Excellency Keat Chhon that when HE Tram Iv Tek goes to sign

for money, Keat Chhon should let him sign. Leave Ing Kieth for a while because you

[Ing Kieth] violated the law. Make him crippled in one leg. You abused the law to

that extent, I don't complaint to the court, that's restraint enough.

I'm only afraid that they won't walk out. With the law being broken like this, what's

the point of us sitting here any longer?

It is time for us to act. We have no reason to topple any one but they did not just

abuse the low-level [workers] but the law itself...Can you do it, brother [Chin Kim]

Sreng? Those department chiefs, do they dare go back and sit on their seats? What

about our staff who are still there?

As for the others, pick up a broom and beat and chase them out, those people who

came unlawfully. France, the US, whatever [they're from], be strong and chase them

out - there's not [Ministerial] decision yet, so chase them out. Together go and

chase them out! They came and were appointed as whatever, violating my right. Now,

the press, go and write one sentence: Prime Minister Hun Sen requests that the workers

protect his rights, because it is his right as a Prime Minister to sign sub-decrees.

They took Ministerial decisions to annul a sub-decree. So the Prime Minister defends

the workers and the workers defend the Prime Minister. We can do that. Do that first,

don't make any demonstrations yet. Do only that, I'm only afraid that you won't dare

to.

See, we put ourselves forward as the CPP and as the people implementing the law and

So An, brother Ho Non, Hok Lundy, Ke Kim Yan stand behind me. Dith Munty, Ho Non,

Sok An look into the legal means, if they resist - handcuff, here's Hok Lundy. There

is no difficulty in removing privilege from these people.

It's time for us to use all the forces in order to protect these people [of CPP],

job, social achievements. That is why I think that we must act. I ask can all the

women here to support this? (applause).

It would be difficult to do if we don't support each other but on this issue I have

adequate legal grounds on which to act. Quickly draft my letter to Ing Kieth and

send it to Samdech Krom Preah, the National Assembly and the chairmen of the parliamentary

commissions, the Chairman of the Legislative Commission as quickly as possible. And

that human rights bunch. Where's human rights, what else can you protect when the

rights [of workers and PM] have been abused like this and what are you protecting?

Send it! And in the human rights [commission], there's our people too. If they violate

to this extent, abuse to this extent, we can't do anything, it's too unjust.

I say that the law appointing the Royal Government exists already so any sub-decree

which doesn't have joint agreement, don't sign. Delay things to the elections, now

it's '96, close your eyes and open them, it's '98 arrived already. And '98 we'll

win, we'll definitely win, there's no letting a-UNTAC, a-foreigners to hold the ballot

boxes this time. If you don't agree, I won't vote. I vote only within the sovereignty

of our Cambodia. But if you create any crisis, time is on our side because I'm just

44 years old and will not die that soon. Whereas some are old and have prepared passports

already. Some have already gone, some are preparing their passports. As a human being,

who can live for two hundred years? I'm just 44 years old.

Let's speak a little strongly. Whoever wants to broadcast this, feel free, there's

nothing left [to hide].

I've survived one attempt to assassinate me, they wanted to kill me, I don't know

what offense can be more serious than them trying to kill me. Being angry still isn't

equal to wanting to a-them trying to kill me. I can't be bothered now, it depends

on the people supporting us or not. Now it's sufficient, sufficient for the people

to see and understand.

The January 7th has been revived now and we all are the January 7th [people], so

there's no problem, let's help protect each other. And those who go and associate

with them [Funcinpec], don't hope to receive appointments, I won't sign them. I tell

you in advance.

As for hanging around in order to get high rank, don't adopt their tricks. Now, their

trick - after we issued the communiqué - their trick is to begin from the

bottom to the top, from the bottom to the top, and it's Ing Kieth who's started playing

that game first of all. They are slowly organizing in the Ministries, pushing from

the bottom to the top. There's never been a division of party quotas within the administration.

We refuse. And they are currently abusing our political rights for the mere reason

that we join the CPP, they want to chase us out but they can't. Now they even want

to expel Funcinpec [members] who refuse to follow Funcinpec, if someone joins us,

they want to chase them out but we refuse.

Even if it comes to fighting over this, so be it.

We announced like this in the plenum that we protect the jobs of both our and Funcinpec

officials. Just because Funcinpec officials refused to follow their bosses at the

time of their congress because their congress was wrong! Now we defend Fun-cinpec

members who refuse to follow their boss, especially in the army, police and administration.

Look carefully before there is any proposal for removal.

I only ask for this - don't commit any criminal offense, if there is criminal or

economic offense, I am not able to protect.

If it is a political mistake, it's a different thing - we can protect them because

as a political right I can be with this or that party. Funcinpec members who quit

their party to join us, we must also defend them. UNTAC was very afraid of that,

it was afraid that officials would join this or that party and that we'd expel them.

It's not necessary to do that, do things quietly, do things slowly, but shout so

they hear, shout so they can hear like we shouted this morning. Leaders of our party

shouldn't be submissive with them [Funcinpec]. From the negotiations with His Majesty

in France it was only when he became the chairman of the SNC and King, that did we

become supportive - supportive on rightful matters but not the wrongful ones...

Now, we have to use the movement at the top withstanding them and supported by the

movement at the bottom. In my letter, it must be stated clearly, as long as there

is no approval of a new structure, the old structure must be maintained. Officials

appointed by sub-decrees must stay in their positions. Any official appointed by

[Ministerial] proclamation or decision and who has the rank of chief of department,

general director or chief of general direction, even if they're working, they have

no [legal] value".

Write it like this and send it to Ing Kieth and send it to Samdech Krom Preah and

the National Assembly. Then we'll go together with the letter to the office, to the

department and do what you used to do. [If] Ing Kieth is not happy, he's cordially

invited to leave. I'm only afraid you [the workers] won't go.

(Hun Sen goes on to talk about bidding and kick-backs in the process of bidding).

I never imagined that these people [in Funcinpec] were corrupt to this extent.

We in Cambodia - remember the time when we walked barefoot, rode on bicycle, moto-doup

and so on. Only in 1990 did the Prime Minister have a Toyota Crown to ride in. We

economized to an point that when going abroad we dared book only economy class. For

first class, only if the Russians paid for it did we dare to fly in first. But if

we flew using our own money, we sat at the back to save money.

But now it's not like this. I never imagined that, after just over two years, that

they'd be rich to the point of buying airplanes, changing cars like clothes.

For us, after 17 years, some are still riding in second-hand cars. But we are proud

of having truly served the people. If we hadn't tried that hard, we wouldn't have

become what we are today. The more you want to forget my achievements, the more you

make me speak about it. That is why most recently, wherever I go I remind people.

From zero to... We started with empty hands.

(He talks about strengthening of woman's union and the role of women, etc., within

the CPP)...

Now our party has consolidated itself strongly enough to do everything. And we don't

allow there to be any violation of the Constitution, the laws and civil rights.

1993 we seemed to sleep and let them hit us, in '94 we woke up a bit, in '95 we got

up, and '96 we are up and running. We try to do everything to turn our party to a

solid one in guaranteeing social and political stability and a political party which

does, more than any other, everything for the people like schools, dikes, irrigation

system, roads, human resources.

My concern now is don't rush into using the movement of the masses, use only the

leaders to go and reorganize the situation as it was before. Only don't enter that

minister's bureau. If we know how to act, no one will give a glance when that minister

passes by. All the people [in the ministry] are ours. If you [Ing Kieth] want to

use your people, go ahead, order all a-five, a-ten of them. And if those ten people

try to order the departments or the provinces, they'll fail. Don't listen to their

orders. What's important for us is that we don't leave this meeting and then allow

them to divide us. When [Tram Iv] Tek commands and you don't listen but you do when

Ing Kieth commands, be careful that they won't use us to kill each other. Now they're

using that trick, they use to fight each other, that just means we'd be betraying

ourselves.

(He appeals to all members to continue working with the party)

I do not appeal to you to act illegally but for members' participation in order to

implement our laws. Don't worry, our party is everywhere: among farmers, workers,

students, in every place, every area. And within the armed forces there's nothing

to worry about either. We don't want to fight but if they want to we don't have any

choice. We would have to face that horrible situation. But it would be better if

it didn't happen. And everything which is excessive in what I've said, it because

as well as the hurt felt by the members of the party, our civil servants and workers,

I feel that hurt too, which is why today I've spoken not so softly.

I tell Ing Kieth straight, tell our partner in the government, if you don't leave

the government, we'll do as we wish and you won't command anything. Now, tell HE

Keat Chhon not to allow Ing Kieth to sign for money at whim - our minister of finance,

our bank governor must clearly understand this.

One other issue must also be stopped. It is about Ing Kieth transferring authority

to You Hockry whenever he's absent. Stop it. Authority is transferred only when no

member of the government is in place. But I've been so loose in the past, but now

write a letter to Samdech Krom Preah, there's to be no more transfers by Ing Kieth.

If Tram Iv Tek is there, there's to be no more You Hockry. Tell the Ministry guards

not to let You Hockry into the Ministry [of Public Works]. Only if both Ing Kieth

and Tram Iv Tek are not in the country, will a member of the government be appointed

to take charge.

At our Ministry of Finance, we never appointed any representative to fill in for

Keat Chhon when Sun Chanthol stays behind. It's only Ing Kieth who's different. So,

the idea of this old fox, you could call it lofty but in fact it's too low, worthy

of our contempt. So I wish to apologize that at our meeting today, which should have

been happy but wasn't, I have unloaded my sorrow, isn't that the case, our workers?

I'm the son of a worker, of a farmer too, so we're the same, there's no need to bow

to me, believe me. But if I... one of the women called me comrade, but that will

lead them to say we're communists. But in His Majesty's era they used the term "sahachivin".

As for sahachivin and communists, they're the same, don't say we're communists or

not communists, what's important is that who can resolve the problems. The Polish

communists won and won the presidential election and the communists in Eastern Europe

have all won victory back. Now the communists in Russia have won in the lower house,

won in the upper house, and in the first round of voting Gorbachev got only 0.5 per

cent, Yeltsin 34 per cent and the communist leader 31 per cent. That's not a coincidence.

They don't think about whether to have or don't have the name [communist], they think

of who can resolve their problems. Gorbachev campaigned in Siberia and was slapped

in the face, a worker slapped him in the face: "It's because of you that I'm

unemployed."

Now Ing Kieth, it's because of Ing Kieth that we're unemployed, so why not respond.

It's not because of Hun Sen, it's because Ing Kieth didn't respect the law that we've

lost our jobs. And we struggle according to all these laws. And tell Ing Kieth to

prepare himself to flee to France if he can't cope, get on the plane quickly. But

our Party, I as Prime Minister, have also had our rights violated by them. So today,

I as one member of the Party, say "go!" Leave here and tell Ing Kieth that

I want to put the old structure back in place. "I have been ordered by Samdech

Hun Sen to put the original structure back in place because now there's not yet any

sub-decree annulling the old one and all the officials appointed by sub-decree must

return." That's enough, go back and tell Ing Kieth to permit it. And if they

say anything, Hok Lundy and Ke Kim Yan are following the situation closely.