Dear Editor,
Many observers have assumed current
transitional Cambodian politics will gradually become mature. But I
believe this is an obscure statement. If we say the tendency of
Cambodian politics is towards maturity within a cave of immaturity,
this might be more plausible. However, what we cannot fathom is: How
bad is this cave?
Some Cambodian people and major incumbent
Cambodian politicians will, not reluctantly, concur that they are very
glad as a result of many new emerging things that they didn't have
during the Pol Pot period. This statement is logical, but even wise
people might not see that it is still important to develop Cambodia's
political maturity.
Pol Pot came to power with the intention of
restructuring Cambodian society to build a new, utopian, agrarian
society. The regime's approach has become globally recognised as "year
zero". So how wise and good can we be when the present emerging
development is pragmatically compared to the "year zero" of Pol Pot?
Anything now is socially, economically, politically unmatched to those
of the Khmer Rouge regime.
The current Cambodian hybrid Khmer
Rouge trial has solemnly proclaimed its primary mission is to enhance
national reconciliation, to help heal Cambodians' [Post Traumatic
Stress Disorder (PTSD)], and to eliminate the culture of impunity.
Cambodian people should not be easily exploited by the politically
orchestrated attempt to disfavour the Khmer Rouge and favour the
so-called Khmer Rouge liberators. In reality, we should try and achieve
some insight and understanding of the fact that while the Khmer Rouge
were communist, the Vietnamese who liberated us from the Khmer Rouge
were also communist. They both are communist by origin. Contemporary
Cambodian politicians and people have to protect themselves from both
of these two disadvantaged political influences with the overall
intention of truly democratising Cambodia, developing ourselves to
appreciate this new political trend and nourishing the maturity of
political leaders and their followers.
Regarding the political
parties, no distinction can be made between government party and
opposition party. These two national political parties are
interdependent and inseparable. The Cambodian People's Party (CPP) can
legitimise themselves in front of the Cambodian people as well as
international communities because of the Sam Rainsy Party. Similarly,
the Sam Rainsy Party can have a stage to test the weaknesses and
strength of their future leadership, or that of the CPP. For example,
their current legal movement to reject the result of election was a
brave performance.
The Cambodian people, both old and young,
are observers, referees and owners of this social contract. They should
not be careless and allow an imbalance of power between government and
opposition to continue to happen. If such an imbalance is not dangerous
per se, it is surely not compatible with the principle of liberal
democracy.
Sophan Seng
Ph.D student of political science
University of Hawaii at Manoa
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