Logo of Phnom Penh Post newspaper Phnom Penh Post - Campaign remote from hill-tribe reality

Campaign remote from hill-tribe reality

Campaign remote from hill-tribe reality


Tumpuan villager YanTuel just wants to be able to make an informed choice at the polls and improve life for his family. As things stand now, 'we will just tick any box because we cannot read or write'.

Yan Tuel is feeling ignored. With just two weeks until Election Day, Tuel does not

know who he will vote for. He cannot tell the difference between the logos of the

parties running in his province, and like 80 percent of the people in remote Ratanakkiri,

he is illiterate. But so far, no party has come to tell Tuel why he should support


"We do not really know who we will vote for, we will just tick any box because

we cannot read or write," he says. "The CPP came here but they did not

show us what their picture was. We want to know the policies of the other parties,

but they have not come here so how can we know?"

Tuel belongs to the Tumpuan tribe, one of eight ethnic groups indigenous to the highlands.

Collectively known as chunchiet, they comprise over two-thirds of Ratanakkiri's population.

The Cambodian People's Party (CPP) has been firmly entrenched in the province since

1993, and the one seat up for grabs on July 27 looks likely to stay in its hands.

But Tuel has other concerns. His wife is ill, and he cannot afford to take her to

hospital. Instead he will pray to the gods for her recovery.

His problem is not uncommon in Ratanakkiri, one of the poorest provinces. Decades

of war and isolation have taken their toll: healthcare is basic, education limited,

and people suffer at the hands of unscrupulous businessmen.

Sam Oeun, a student and volunteer at Ratanakkiri-based NGO Non-Timber Forest Products

(NTFP), says the chunchiet's day-to-day concerns often outweigh political ones.

"Some of them just think whether or not they have enough to eat today and tomorrow,"

he says.

Bringing voter education to the villagers is also a problem. The indigenous groups

speak different languages, and this, combined with high illiteracy levels and low

education, means information is best spread by word of mouth.

Meas Khlemsa of Comfrel, an election monitoring NGO, says the organization has been

running training courses and distributing pamphlets detailing the policies of all

23 competing parties.

"Comfrel tries its best to tell the people it is their duty [and] their right

to vote to make a change in the country," he says.

But despite the best efforts of NGOs, information does not appear to have reached

the length and breadth of the province. The political parties are not making much

headway either.

"Only the CPP has come here," says Jarai villager Cheu Ven, 45. "I

also want to know about the other parties, but they have not come."

The apparently lackluster campaigning could be due to the inaccessibility of the

villages-roads turn to rivers in the rainy season. Perhaps before polling day there

will be a flurry of countryside visits. Or, in what looks like a one horse race,

are the other parties despondent?

"My assumption is that Funcinpec cannot get enough votes for the one seat,"

says Hor Ang, Funcinpec's security chief in Ratanakkiri. "The strength of the

CPP at the local level [means] Funcinpec cannot penetrate."

The CPP has long had an iron grip on the province. Deputy provincial chief Muong

Pay says his party owes its continuing success to development and its role in defeating

the Khmer Rouge.

"One hundred percent of people living in Ratanakkiri support the CPP,"

he says. "There are many reasons. The government [helped] free the people from

Pol Pot ... There is no prejudice against the ethnic minorities [and] there is protection

against the return of the Pol Pot regime."

This popularity is visible along Road 19, which runs through the heart of the chunchiet

areas up to the Vietnamese border. CPP signs are frequent, as is praise for the ruling


"The CPP has been helping us for 28 years," says Bouy Cheng, of the Jarai

tribe. "They dig wells, build schools, give us containers for crops ... [they]

have helped us to live in peace and they improve democracy and freedom. The other

parties say they will help but they have not yet."

All the villagers speak of gifts from the ruling party, but the competition is skeptical

about the CPP's handouts.

"I have never seen any help except handing gifts to the people," says SRP

candidate Kong Chan. "It is the money from the government, but they say it is

from the party. Like building roads-that is money from the ADB or Japanese aid. The

actual love from the heart of the people is not 100 percent true."

Funcinpec's Hor Ang insists the CPP's popularity persists only because of this material

support, and maintains its policies are actually harming livelihoods.

"On the surface it seems that the CPP is helping the people, but in fact the

land and the forest are being destroyed by the CPP," he says.

Ang is referring to illegal logging, which has plagued the heavily forested northern

provinces for years. The indigenous people also found that land they had lived on

for generations was claimed by outsiders. NTFP's Sam Oeun describes one such case.

"[They] were offered new motorbikes and gifts [and] persuaded to make their

fingerprint agreeing to give away their land unwittingly," he explains. "Minority

people know very little about law. They think the axe and knife are powerful for

them ... They did not think their fingerprint would harm them."

However Ang says such incidents do not damage the CPP's vote.

"Most people don't care about violations on land because they move away,"

he says.

But opposition parties are not admitting defeat. The SRP recently gained popularity

in the province when it won the only non-CPP commune chief position here in 2002.

In a province with a large and porous border with Vietnam, the SRP's hard stance

on immigration and border encroachment could prove popular with the Khmer electorate.

However none of the chunchiet the Post spoke with said such issues worried them.

Even near the border, villagers expressed no concern about their neighbor. Most chunchiet

villagers say border squabbles are not a priority-they are still waiting for the


"I would like to live like people in the rest of Cambodia," says Jarai

villager Cheu Ven. "Most Khmer people have education so they can improve their

lives. This commune does not have a school. Even the well that was promised has not

come yet."

Tumpuan villager Tuel just wants to be able to make an informed choice at the polls

and improve life for his family: "We want parties to understand us and our needs.

We need everything."


  • EU officials: Ending EBA an 18-month procedure

    EU officials have confirmed that it will take a total of 18 months to complete the procedure if Cambodia’s preferential Everything But Arms (EBA) trade agreement is to be withdrawn. According to EU Agriculture and Rural Development spokesman Daniel Rosario, the formal process has not

  • IPU slams government claim

    The president of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), Gabriela Cuevas Barron, has refuted a claim by the National Assembly that she “highly appreciated the achievements of Cambodia” in its July national elections with a tweet saying “Of course not!” before adding “No congratulations”. A delegation from

  • Conflict lingers on Paris Accords

    As the Kingdom prepares to commemorate on October 23 the 27th anniversary of the signing of the 1991 Paris Peace Accords, which ushered in an end to nearly two decades of civil war, there is political conflict on whether the tenets of the agreement are still being

  • EU agrees VN trade deal despite rights concerns

    The EU on Wednesday agreed to a free-trade agreement (FTA) with Vietnam, a country described as having a “major rights-abusing government”. This comes amid the 28-nation bloc preparing the procedure for a possible withdrawal of Cambodia’s Everything But Arms (EBA) preferential trade agreement on