A n architect of the United States' involvement in the Vietnam War admits
mistakes and Basil Fernando asks: "What now?"
Robert S. McNamara,
former US defense secretary, in his recently published memoirs, has stated that
"we were wrong" on Vietnam. This statement has a shattering effect on any one
who has worked in Cambodia in recent times. The destruction caused on this
country since the Khmer Rouge take-over twenty years ago is beyond human
imagination. Though the Khmer Rouge were defeated after ruling the country for
years, every aspect of physical and social life defies all attempts for
restoration. The most visible aspects of this remaining tragedy are: a dearth of
educated Khmers; vast tracts of land still affected by land-mines; the collapse
of every aspect of the transport, communications, education and health care
systems; the incredible absence of law and order; the loss of memory of
democratic institutions including the loss of any idea about independence of
judiciary. Had not Mr McNamara and his colleagues made the mistakes they now
admit having made, Cambodia would not have suffered the terrible tragedy, which
will take many more generations to overcome.
Mr McNamara gives the
reasons for US mistakes as the ignorance of Vietnamese history and culture,
leading to wishful thinking. One regrettably notes that even the attempts to
help Cambodia to pull out of its tragedy, such as United Nations Transitional
Authority of Cambodia (UNTAC) and many other initiatives, continually failed due
to the same reasons - ignorance of Cambodian history, culture, people and
society. What is more alarming is the attitude that considers such knowledge
irrelevant and superfluous.
Cambodians today struggle reconstructing
their country. In May 1993, over 90% of the electorate turned to the polls to
elect their own representatives. The civil society of Cambodia that was
paralyzed returned to life. A number of independent social organizations,
newspapers and NGOs have gained roots in Cambodia. Among the Cambodians
themselves there is high level of discussion and consultation as to the ways
they could overcome their own problems. However one of the recurring themes in
these discussions is the expression of frustration over the way United Nations
agencies and other agencies from developed countries continue to misunderstand
the Cambodian situation.
The major problem of Cambodia in terms of its
reconstruction is the effects of the almost total loss of intelligencia under
Pol Pot's ruthless policy of wiping out the past. The term intelligencia is used
widely to mean anyone possessing any form of urban culture. Thus Cambodia lost
its teachers, scientists, lawyers, judges, monks, and even drivers and
mechanics. A handful of educated people survived the slave labor camps, some
escaped to other lands. Details of deaths and the exodus are well-known to the
world. Since 1979 there have been heroic attempts at recovery. However, the
creation of a new generation of qualified people to deal with technical and
other aspects of development have met with considerable obstacles. There are not
enough people qualified to train others. There are not enough teachers to impart
primary and secondary education. New programs for assistance in higher education
are nowhere near the required scale. Besides the assistance programs are linked
with learning foreign languages, particularly French, which takes more time than
actually learning the subjects. Cambodia needs massive assistance for education
and technical training. However, if such assistance is to bear fruit, it is
necessary to draw from resources of countries near Cambodia, from people who
would find it easy to understand Cambodian history, culture and
society.
In Cambodia development is very much linked with the restoration
of law and order. UNTAC did not make any significant contribution to Cambodia in
this respect. Once the UNTAC police and military were withdrawn in mid-1993,
society rapidly returned to its former position. Banditry, extortion and crime
are a normal way of life. What one finds in Cambodia for most part is not
state-sponsored violence, but violence that the state is unable and powerless to
prevent. Tens of thousands of ex-military personnel pose a major threat to the
population. This is heightened by the slow yet continuous warfare carried out by
the Khmer Rouge. The police are not technically trained to carry out criminal
investigations. Judges lack knowledge and training and are poorly paid (about
$30 a month). There is a very insignificant amount of legal texts. The
Constitution itself was hurriedly made after the May 1993 elections to expedite
the departure of UNTAC. It is a very inadequate document and in many respects
incapable of implementation. In this respect, the attempts of UNTAC and other
United Nations agencies and other programs of assistance have failed to have any
influence due to social and cultural misunderstandings. Attempts to impose
foreign models, like the French legal system, has confused the Cambodians. What
is needed is to draw up laws and procedures in consultation with Cambodians, to
build a legal system that will work in the social and cultural context of
Cambodia. However, amateur "experts" from other countries have been pressuring
Cambodians to give up their own initiatives.
The third major area that
Cambodia needs assistance is to clear land mines. It is not only that a large
part of the land is unusable, but transport, electricity, and water distribution
systems are affected. Hundreds of thousands of people have suffered mine
injuries. Many concerned groups are working towards the goal of eradicating land
mines.
Will the admission of mistakes by top ranking US officers like
Robert McNamara lead to reparations being considered to those countries which
have suffered the extreme consequences of those mistakes, directly or
indirectly? How genuinely this question is answered will determine the extent
and the quality of assistance that will be extended to these countries. Cambodia
deserves extensive and long term assistance.
